By Lynne Eisaguirre
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In workplaces, additional debates prevail. For example, affirmative action supporters point out that if white males really are falling victim to reverse discrimination, why is there still double-digit unemployment in the African American community but not in the white community? Why do women continue to be in the minority in senior management, and why do women who make it to the top earn one-third less than male executives with the same job? In light of this evidence of continuing discrimination, supporters claim it is too soon to argue that the country is ready for color-blind and gender-blind social policies.
However, how the questions in the polls are worded makes a difference in the results. If the pollsters use the term "affirmative action," larger percentages support the policy. But if other terms are used, such as "preferences" or "quotas," the respondents tend to reject the policy. Similarly, public opinion often depends on which groups the affirmative action programs help. Some people believe that these programs should only compensate African Americans to redress them for slavery, oppression, and discrimination.
In 1979, women represented only 4 percent of the entry-level officers in the San Francisco police department. 5 percent. Similarly, a federal district court review of the San Francisco Fire Department in 1987 led to a consent decree that increased the number of blacks in officer positions from 7 to 31, Hispanics from 12 to 55, and Asians from 0 to 10; women were admitted as firefighters for the first time. Page 12 In 1975, a federal district court found that Local 28 of the Sheet Metal Workers' International Association had discriminated against nonwhite workers in recruitment, training, and admission to the union.
Affirmative Action: A Reference Handbook by Lynne Eisaguirre